Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 140

Huang Xing stopped talking to the Party members and looked up at Song Jiaoren with some surprise, asking, "Not yet, what's wrong? What's in today's newspaper?"

Song Jiaoren hurriedly walked up to Huang Xing, handed him the newspaper, and greeted a party member standing nearby, indicating that he wanted to talk to Huang Xing alone. The party member then tactfully excused himself and left.

Huang Xing quickly read through the commentary at the front of the National Daily and frowned, saying, "What are Tian Junyi and the others doing? Refusing American mediation at this time, if the US sides with Russia, can we really continue fighting? Hasn't Japan already announced that it will send a delegation to the US to participate in the mediation meeting? If Japan and Russia reach a peace agreement, can we still defeat Russia with American support?"

Song Jiaoren nodded repeatedly and said, "Yes, I also think that Tian Junyi and his group were a bit arrogant this time. What we are asking for is to keep Manchuria and Outer Mongolia. It is unrealistic to expect Russia to cede territory and pay reparations to us."

Russia is pressing us too hard. If Russia and Japan reach a compromise first, the Manchurian issue will likely see further setbacks. After all, Japan's covetousness towards my country is no secret. The Japanese were even more arrogant and domineering in the Yangtze River region than the British were.

"It is a great fortune for our country to have defeated the Russians in this war, but if we cannot translate this victory into tangible benefits, then we will suffer a diplomatic defeat similar to the Sino-French War, where we were defeated without actually being defeated. I believe that Tian Junyi and his group's opposition to the American-led mediation conference was a serious miscalculation..."

Chapter 500 Suppression

At the meeting of the Wuhan Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee on the morning of September 6, Huang Xing and other members of minor parties, along with some non-party members, questioned Tian Junyi's proposal to oppose participation in the US mediation meeting.

Faced with this overwhelming momentum at the meeting, even some members of the Workers' Party found it difficult to understand the decision made by the Party Central Committee: to abandon the idea of ​​shaking hands and making peace with the Russian government on the platform set up by the Americans, and instead to talk about peace with the same theoretical group.

The lack of political awareness among Labour Party members is evident in this issue. Just as they believe that only Wuhan can represent China today, they believe that only the Tsarist government can represent Russia today. Compared to the uncertain people, the government is clear.

Therefore, many party members held the view that the Tsarist government may not represent all the Russian people, but it at least represented the majority of Russians. Reaching a peace agreement with the Tsarist government could at least restrain Russia's actions, but when it came to negotiating with the Russian people, they couldn't even find a negotiating partner. So how could the war end?

In today's ever-evolving Wuhan, few people are truly willing to fight for the Mongols, Manchus, or Russians. Under the Qing Dynasty's policy of keeping the people ignorant, many only possessed localism and a strong sense of protecting their hometowns. Going to fight outside their hometowns was almost always about climbing the ranks and making money; the Xiang Army and Huai Army were no exception. Therefore, once these old armies left their hometowns to fight, their discipline generally deteriorated significantly, making them unlikely to fight any truly tough battles.

The Reform Movement failed precisely because many conservatives struggled to understand the national ideals of figures like Tan Sitong, who advocated "preserving China, not the Qing Dynasty." The Southeast Mutual Protection Movement, in essence, also stemmed from the old Chinese misunderstanding of modern nation-state concepts, viewing it as a conflict between the Manchus and foreign powers, not a war between China and other nations.

The signing of the Boxer Protocol truly awakened ordinary Chinese people. Although they could prioritize localism over nationalism, in the eyes of the great powers, there was nothing special about them. China's defeat meant the defeat of each province. Therefore, even provinces that had declared neutrality before the war had to pay the price for defeat.

It can be said that the Chinese people's concept of the nation was shaped by the foreign powers through the Boxer Protocol. Before that, the Chinese people's concept of the nation was that it was the private property of a family or clan. The destruction of the nation was just a change of dynasties and had nothing to do with ordinary people. No matter who was the emperor, ordinary people still had to pay taxes.

After the signing of the Boxer Protocol, the Chinese people truly realized that the worldview of changing dynasties was no longer valid. In the eyes of the great powers, they were not there to rule China, but to profit from it. The sense of crisis of national subjugation and genocide truly stimulated the nerves of the Chinese people.

The reason why Wuhan was able to rise so quickly was that it put forward a strategy for national salvation when people were thinking about change. This attracted Chinese people who had been awakened by the stimulation of foreign powers, which is why the slogan of defending the homeland put forward by the Workers' Party was so deeply rooted in people's hearts.

The Chinese prioritize family over national defense, demonstrating that family remains the most important element, followed by the nascent concept of nationhood. Therefore, the Wuhan army's willingness to march north to fight the Russians stemmed from a strengthened sense of national consciousness rooted in the desire to protect their families, rather than a genuine establishment of nationalism.

The simplest patriotic idea of ​​the people and soldiers of Wuhan is to drive the Russians out of China, take back Russia's privileges in China, and then everyone can go home and live a peaceful life.

Now that the war is nearing its end, everyone naturally wants peace. To be honest, most people don't really care about whether they can cede territory or pay reparations to Russia, because the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee has never publicized this. But people feel that now that the Russians have been driven back, the mission of defending their homeland has been completed, and it's time for the soldiers to withdraw and reunite with their families.

Although most Chinese people still lacked a proper understanding of the political culture of Europe and America at that time, under the continuous invasion of the great powers, the Chinese generally came to the understanding that only with the guarantee of the great powers would a single great power not break its promise, which is the so-called "using barbarians to control barbarians".

The American intervention appeared to be a commitment from one of the great powers to China, thus guaranteeing the peace agreement signed between Russia and China and preventing interference from other powers. There have been numerous past instances where China signed agreements with a single great power, only to be threatened by other powers.

Therefore, many Chinese find it hard to believe that China could force Russia to sign an agreement that is unfavorable to Russia and make Russia fulfill the agreement without any objections from other powers.

The Labour Party's rejection of this respectable opportunity that could have ended the war naturally aroused doubt and dissatisfaction among those outside the party, and even some members within the party did not think the decision was correct.

Faced with these questions, Tian Junyi calmly replied: "From the Treaty of Nerchinsk to the Boxer Protocol, how many border agreements have we signed with the Tsarist government? When has the Tsarist government ever abided by any of them?"

Let's examine how the Tsarist government deceived its other neighbors. From the conflict with the Ottoman Empire in the 17th century over the annexation of Ukraine to the signing of the Treaty of San Stefano in 1878, the two sides fought a total of 10 wars. The peace agreements signed by the Tsarist government were utterly worthless.

Looking at Russian territories along the Baltic coast, in Poland, and in Central Asia, we can easily conclude that the Tsarist government would not keep its promises and never intended to coexist peacefully with its neighbors. Whenever they sought peace, it wasn't because they had suddenly become better, but because the Russian people had grown weary of the Tsar's greed and rose up in resistance.

So, at this juncture, instead of encouraging the Russian people to rise up and fight against the opposing Tsarist government, should we instead shake hands with the Tsarist government and make peace so that they can free up their resources to suppress the Russian people's resistance? And once the Tsarist government has suppressed the domestic resistance, won't they prepare for another invasion? At that point, will the Russian people still respond to our opposition against the Tsarist government?

Our Workers' Party believes that the promises of the Tsarist government are unreliable. True peace can only be achieved through mutual trust with the Russian people. Therefore, our party has decided that it will never participate in negotiations with the Tsarist government hosted by the United States or other powers, as they are meaningless.

Tian Junyi's words caused an uproar among the committee members in the room. However, the representatives of the smaller parties, such as Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, could hardly offer any evidence to prove that the Tsarist government would abide by the agreements signed with China, except for their disagreement.

For example, Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren once pinned their hopes on the Americans, believing that the United States could restrain the behavior of Tsarist Russia. However, Tian Junyi quickly countered: "The United States is the only country in the world that has enacted laws to exclude Chinese people. Their treatment of Chinese people is even worse than that of Tsarist Russia. Do you really think that the mediation meeting chaired by the Americans will be fair?"

If they truly have sympathy for China, then they should first repeal the Chinese Exclusion Act, promise to rescind all American privileges in China, and sign an equal and mutually beneficial agreement with China. If the Americans are willing to do this, then we can certainly reconsider…”

One of the most distinctive characteristics of petty-bourgeois political parties is that they try to claim all the credit for themselves, but are unwilling to take on any responsibility, for fear of losing everything. Whether it was the Huaxing Society led by Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, or other small parties, they all basically possessed the characteristics of the petty bourgeoisie. Faced with Tian Junyi's questioning, no one dared to stand up and say that they could persuade the United States to abandon the Chinese Exclusion Act, or guarantee the credibility of the Tsarist government.

Although there were still committee members in the room who opposed the Labor Party's position, they had lost their initial momentum after Tian Junyi's speech. The committee members who still insisted on opposing it were only because they could not agree with the Labor Party's position, but they had also lost confidence in the mediation meeting chaired by the Americans.

Most of the dissenting committee members were thinking: "I don't believe in your decision anyway. If you insist, you'll have to take responsibility, but I really don't know what to do." Before the conference began, these dissenting committee members had high hopes for the American-led mediation meeting, believing it to be a great opportunity to end the war.

Thus, at this conference, the Labor Party's proposal not to participate in the mediation meeting chaired by the Americans was ultimately passed with a majority vote. However, the number of abstentions in this vote was astonishing, with at least a quarter of the committee members ultimately choosing to abstain.

Although Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren failed to prevent the Workers' Party's proposals from being passed at the conference, they still stopped Tian Junyi on the road afterward to express Huaxing Society's pessimism about the continuation of the war. Song Jiaoren even questioned Tian Junyi agitatedly: "You say you want to reach a peace with the Russian people, but who can represent the Russian people now? Are we supposed to ask each Russian their opinion on this war?"

If the Tsarist government reaches a peace agreement with Japan through American mediation, what should we do next? I don't believe we can withstand Russia alone right now, not to mention that Japan also harbors ambitions towards our country. If we continue to entangle ourselves with Russia, it will only give Japan an opportunity to take advantage of our weakness.

Tian Junyi looked at the two men with a serious expression before speaking, "If necessary, I would support questioning individual Russians. However, given the current situation in Russia, we don't need to go through that trouble. Russia is clearly divided into two camps: one is the reactionary group trying to maintain the Tsar's rule, and the other is the people opposing the Tsar's reactionary rule. In Odessa, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan, and Verkhovna Udinsk, the Russian people have already risen up in resistance. What we need to do is actually not much: acknowledge that the Russian people represent the Russian people, and then sign a peace agreement with the Russian people we acknowledge. I don't think there's anything troublesome about that."

As for a compromise between Japan and Russia, that is certainly a possible option. However, this does not mean we should submit to the international order established by the great powers. As long as the Russian people support us, a compromise between Japan and Russia is impossible. As for the Americans, I have made myself very clear: I do not trust the Americans, and the United States does not yet have the power to command in the Pacific…”

Chapter 501 Waiting and Change

Faced with Tian Junyi's tough stance, Song Jiaoren was the first to soften. He was good at administrative affairs but not so good at theoretical research. Therefore, he was the main person in charge of the Huaxing Society, but the leader that the party members admired was Huang Xing, because Huang Xing's political stance was more distinct, while Song Jiaoren preferred political cooperation.

After realizing that Tien Chun-yi would not back down on his position in participating in the mediation meeting, Song Chiao-jen lost the will to stick to his own position, since the Huaxing Society could not break with the Labor Party.

Aside from aligning with the Labour Party on overthrowing the Qing Dynasty, the Huaxing Society had no political goals after the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, it could only exist as an opposition party. Once it broke with the Labour Party, the Huaxing Society would not be able to shoulder the responsibilities of a political party at all, because it had no territory, no armed forces, and not even a complete set of political theories.

Therefore, Song Jiaoren was well aware that the Huaxing Society was able to exist and develop entirely because it stood on the side of representing the propertied class and restrained the radicalism of the Labour Party. The Labour Party tolerated the existence of the Huaxing Society because there was no fierce confrontation between the two sides on fundamental positions; political forces that had previously wanted to confront the Labour Party had been purged from the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee.

Tian Junyi consistently disagreed with the mediation meetings chaired by the Americans, and the Huaxing Society was unable to guarantee the actions of the Americans, so Song Jiaoren lost the will to persist.

Simply put, the Huaxing Society could neither change the Labor Party's decision nor the Americans' decision. As Tian Junyi had previously argued, participating in the mediation conference was merely voluntarily stepping into the courtroom of the great powers' judgment of China, a courtroom in which China had only the right to accept but no right to speak.

Huaxinghui lacks the resources to bear the consequences and cannot convince the public to support it unless the Americans first make assurances to China, which is clearly impossible.

American newspaper reports on the mediation conference were translated and circulated in China. These reports primarily emphasized the wartime capabilities of Japan and Russia, and the changes in postwar relations between the two countries, with relatively little coverage of China. This suggests that, in the eyes of the Americans, the main focus of this mediation conference was Japan and Russia, while China was merely a figurehead.

However, Song Jiaoren's softened stance did not cause Huang Xing to back down. He still resentfully emphasized to Tian Junyi: "Even if your party opposes participating in the mediation conference chaired by the Americans, what about advocating the principle of national self-determination? What does national self-determination have to do with ending the war? Does your party want to support the Mongols to secede from China? Isn't this an advocacy that will bring chaos to China?"

Tian Junyi gave Huang Xing a serious look before saying solemnly, "The principle of national self-determination is a guarantee of peace between China and its neighboring countries. Putting aside the fact that Russia itself is an empire in which a Slavic people enslaved other peoples, we cannot see the Russian people truly take control of their own destiny if we do not support the principle of national self-determination."

Take our current situation as an example. The Qing Dynasty was also a state established by the Manchu people through the enslavement of other ethnic groups. On the one hand, you demand an anti-Manchu revolution, and on the other hand, you deny the principle of national self-determination. Does the Huaxing Society intend to inherit the Qing Dynasty's power to enslave other ethnic groups?

If the Huaxing Society holds such a belief, then we have nothing to discuss. The aim of our party is to overthrow the oppression of all ethnic groups by the Manchus, and also to overthrow the oppression of the working class by the landlord class. Our party also opposes the oppression of other ethnic groups by the Han people and the oppression of other ethnic groups' working classes by the Han landlord class.

Our political goal is to end the oppression of various ethnic groups in China by the Manchu Qing dynasty, to make the Manchus a common member of all ethnic groups in China again, and then to unite the working class of all ethnic groups to jointly establish a new China of people's unity.

Any other political party, political force, or interest group that opposes this political goal will be an enemy of our party. Committee Member Huang, I advise you to clarify the political goals of the Huaxing Society before protesting against me. Don't put your personal will above the entire party; this is not a good thing for your Huaxing Society…”

In the end, Huang Xing was still dragged away by Song Jiaoren. After leaving, Huang Xing was still very unwilling and complained to Song Jiaoren beside him, "It's one thing that you didn't help me just now, but why did you have to drag me away? I still have a lot to say to him. This China doesn't belong to the Labor Party alone. How can we do whatever they want?"

Song Jiaoren could only advise Huang Xing, "Junyi means that the Labor Party's decision is irreversible, and there's no point in saying anything more at this point. Moreover, we really can't guarantee that the Americans will support us at this mediation meeting."

Compared to my country, Japan and Russia are far more powerful. Japan had just defeated the Russians at sea and had an alliance with Britain, while Russia, although defeated in the war, did not suffer much loss of power in Europe. Even if the Americans could uphold justice, they would not risk offending Japan and Russia to protect my country's interests. I believe Junyi's view on this point is correct.

Hearing this, Huang Xing finally calmed down a lot, but he still insisted: "Even so, we should first see what conditions this conference can offer us. After all, we are the victors in this war. I don't believe that the Americans would dare to defy the world and not give us any benefits, but instead protect Russia's interests. What credibility would the United States have in the international arena then?"

Song Jiaoren responded quite calmly: "The problem is, how many countries in the current international community will support us? Apart from Japan, aren't the so-called international communities mostly white countries?"

Although Russia was considered barbaric by Britain, France, and Germany, it was still a white nation. Before the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay between Japan and Russia, European newspapers mostly reported in favor of Japan, but after the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay, international sympathy for Russia gradually increased.

The shift in international public opinion is simply because Japan is not white. Even though it has gained recognition from the major powers of Europe and America and become one of them, the fact that the Japanese navy defeated the Russian navy is still difficult for European and American countries to accept.

I had previously advocated for accepting American mediation, but I genuinely wasn't confident. The fact that the Americans are calling for peace at this time clearly indicates they don't want Russia to suffer a complete defeat; otherwise, they should have intervened to persuade St. Petersburg to avoid war before it even broke out.

If the Labor Party also chose to accept American mediation, we would actually gain prestige among the people, because we would also be a party supporting the mediation. After the war ended with American mediation, we could then truly seek to make our voice heard in Congress and address the current domestic turmoil.

In this way, the Workers' Party lost its dictatorial position in the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee after the start of the war. The authority of the parliament that signed the peace agreement would be greatly increased. From then on, the Workers' Party would just be a party within the parliament and would no longer be above other parties.

However, the Labor Party now opposes accepting American mediation. If their assessment is correct, they will be able to maintain their dictatorial position in the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee, and Congress will find it difficult to sign a peace agreement amidst the divisions among the parties.

Therefore, we can only wait now, wait to prove the Labour Party's judgment wrong, so that we can then demand that the Labour Party correct its mistake. Continuing to confront the Labour Party now will only lead to their suppression, and I don't think Huaxing can withstand that, after all, they are now seen as heroes who saved the day in the eyes of the people.”

After listening to Song Jiaoren's explanation, Huang Xing remained silent, but he knew in his heart that Song Jiaoren's words were correct. Thanks to a series of military and diplomatic victories against Britain and Russia, Tian Junyi and the Workers' Party had left a deep impression on the people. This was why Tian Junyi dared to forcefully pass his proposed motions at the conference; he knew no one could stop his decision.

Song Jiaoren proposed to temporarily avoid the Labour Party's sharp edge and wait for the Labour Party to make a mistake before promoting the Huaxing Society's propositions, which was indeed a rather prudent strategy. However, Huang Xing was still quite uncomfortable. After all, he had studied in Japan for a period of time, and although he did not complete his studies, he had still been exposed to Western democratic political ideas in Japan.

He believed that the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee was the Western equivalent of a parliament. According to the democratic ideas of Western politics, all matters, large and small, should be decided by public opinion. How could the Workers' Party's word be law? At this moment, Huang Xing forgot that the principle of democratic politics also requires the minority to obey the majority. He now felt that the Workers' Party was also engaging in dictatorship because Tian Junyi did not accept their suggestions.

After pondering for a long time, Huang Xing suddenly asked Song Jiaoren, "Just now Junyi said that national self-determination could end the rule of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. What is your opinion on this?"

After thinking for a moment, Song Jiaoren replied, "It should mean exactly what it says. Just as they called on all the nationalities of Russia to exercise self-determination and overthrow the Tsarist rule, we can also use self-determination to overthrow the Qing Dynasty."

Of course, according to Junyi's view, the new China is founded on the basis of national self-determination, therefore, an equal policy will be adopted among all ethnic groups, which means the superior status of the Manchu and Mongol ethnic groups over other ethnic groups will be abolished. I think this is better than simply forcing the Qing emperor to abdicate; at least this new China has no successor relationship with the Qing Dynasty. It is a people's republic established after the complete end of the Qing Dynasty's rule…”

Throughout August, the Verkhovna Udinsk Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet rapidly expanded into villages in the eastern Transbaikal region, south of Verkhovna Udinsk, and south of Chita, winning the support of local miners and villagers.

The Krasnoyarsk Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, through leaflets distributed along the Trans-Siberian Railway entitled "Letter from the Workers of Krasnoyarsk along the Trans-Siberian Railway," began to distinguish between the interests of the Tsar and the interests of the people, and called on workers to strike to expedite the conclusion of peace in the Far East.

"We must bring the Chelyabinsk-Irkutsk line to a complete standstill. Our general strike will deal a fatal blow to the Tsarist autocracy and save hundreds of thousands of brothers abandoned in Manchuria."

During the eastward transport of troops, the soldiers had almost nothing to do. Whenever a military train stopped at a station, the most common and widespread need among the privates was to find something to read. This provided a vast stage for revolutionary propaganda. According to a Cossack officer's report: "These leaflets, forced upon the Russian reserve soldiers, have led to their lax discipline and low morale..."

Siberia was a region saturated with anti-government elements. Although the authorities gradually tightened control over the Trans-Siberian Railway after the outbreak of war, establishing requisitioned areas (1.5-2 versts) and two guard lines (up to 100 versts in length), and imposing martial law in these areas, including the control of politically unreliable elements—who were initially to be expelled from the requisitioned areas—the intensity of control gradually weakened after July 2007.

On September 2, when the Chita Military District of Russia attempted to once again recruit volunteers to counter pressure from Chinese troops and Soviet partisans from Verkhovna Udinsk, armed conflict broke out in several Old Rites Russian villages south of Chita.

On September 4, the Chita Military District attempted to mobilize troops to suppress the rebellion in these villages. The messenger who received the telegram was a Social Democratic Party member who was inclined towards revolution. He quickly passed the news on to the Social Democratic Party's Chita Committee.

After its establishment, the Social Democratic Party’s Chita Committee expanded rapidly among local railway workers, miners, and Cossack troops. In particular, under the leadership of Antontovich Kostushko-Valuzhanich and Nikolai Nikolayevich Balansky, armed struggle groups were established among the army and workers, gaining the support of at least five thousand workers and Cossacks around Chita.

In the early stages of the war, patriotism caused a split within the Social Democratic Party between those who opposed the reactionary regime and those who supported the war. However, as the war progressed and the Tsarist government proved ineffective, even the patriotic Social Democratic Party members lost confidence. Furthermore, the joint advocacy of the Chinese and Russian people against the Tsar by the Chinese army after entering Verkhovna Udinsk led to a surge of voices against the war and against Tsarist rule within the Chita Committee.

Especially after the establishment of the Verkhovna Udinsk Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet, the Chita Committee received instructions from Babushkin to instigate an uprising in Chita. Party members such as Valuzanishi and Balansky began mobilizing workers and soldiers to prepare for an armed uprising. When the Chita Military District once again persecuted the villages of the Old Rites faction, the Chita Committee believed that the time for an uprising was ripe, because the Old Rites faction had considerable power in the countryside, and the confrontation between the Tsarist government and the Old Rites faction meant that their uprising would no longer be hindered by the local peasants.

On September 6, the garrison and railway workers in Chita launched an uprising and took control of the city in just three hours. That afternoon, nearly 9 Russian troops stationed in Shilok received news that Shilok was located west of Chita and east of Verkhovna Udinsk, meaning that the Russian forces in the city were now surrounded by Chinese troops and Soviet forces from both the east and west.

The already demoralized Russian army quickly experienced a large-scale uprising, with soldiers joining the Chita Committee and refusing to fight for the Tsar. At 10:9 AM on September 7, the Russian commanders stationed in Shilok surrendered the city to the Chinese commanders, refusing to surrender to the Chita Committee and the Verkhovna Udinsk Soviet.

On the afternoon of September 7, Babushkin arrived in Chita. He held a closed-door meeting with Valuzanishi, Balansky, and others, ultimately deciding to merge the Upper Udinsk Soviet and the Chita Soviet to establish the Chita Republic. On September 8, the Chita Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Soviet, in the name of the Chita Republic, sent telegrams to domestic and international audiences, stating two points: first, its intention to overthrow the Tsarist autocracy and establish a people's republic; and second, its response to the Wuhan Workers' Party's proposal to sign an agreement without ceding territory or paying reparations, demanding that Russian troops in Manchuria lay down their arms and surrender to the Chinese army, or withdraw from Chinese territory as soon as possible and accept the leadership of the Chita Republic.

Chapter 502 Position

The commentary published in the National Daily regarding the Labor Party's refusal to participate in the US-led mediation conference caused a huge uproar both domestically and internationally. Among Yuan Shikai's associates who had studied abroad, the commentary was generally viewed negatively, and they advised him to take advantage of the Labor Party's momentary lapse in judgment to frankly demonstrate the Beiyang government's commitment to upholding international order to the foreign powers, thereby winning their support.

Yuan Shikai then summoned Tang Shaoyi, Liang Dunyan, and Liang Ruhao to his side and asked these three experts in diplomacy, whom he considered to be experts in the field: "Do you really think that this article by the Workers' Party will anger the countries? Britain, France, and Germany did not participate in the mediation meeting. Will the criticism of the Americans really anger them?"

Tang Shaoyi had a closer relationship with Yuan Shikai, so he spoke more frankly: "Although Britain, France and Germany did not participate in the mediation conference, the Americans could not have chaired the conference without their consent. Russia and Japan participated not because of the United States, but to show that they respect the current international order."

This Labour Party article, while ostensibly questioning the United States' qualifications to host the mediation conference, is in reality an opposition to the current international order. Since the British Empire's victory over Napoleon, the current international order has been determined jointly by the major European powers. While the United States cannot compare with the European powers, its willingness to host this mediation conference is essentially an effort to uphold the international order dominated by European powers, which is why it has gained the support of Britain, France, and Germany.

The Workers' Party's opposition to negotiations with the Russian government and its advocacy for peace with the Russian people effectively disregarded the legitimacy of the Tsarist government's rule over Russia, a legitimacy inextricably linked to the legitimacy of the current international order. If the Russian people had the right to overthrow the Tsarist government, it would mean that countries outside Europe could oppose the current international order dominated by major European powers, which is clearly unacceptable to European nations.

On the same day the National Daily published this article, Minister Sadaoyi contacted me to find out how the Council of State viewed it. Although Minister Sadaoyi did not say it explicitly, he hinted to me that the British Empire would not stand idly by while anyone challenged the current international order, and he hoped that we would not become the next Russia.

Although other powers' diplomats did not communicate with us, according to what I've heard, they privately believe that if China attempts to challenge the current international order, international public opinion will likely lose any sympathy for my country. Our advantage in this war is primarily due to the support of other countries. Without their support, how could we, on our own, have withstood the Russian offensive?

Tang Shaoyi's argument boils down to his belief that the Workers' Party has lost its head. Having gained a slight advantage on the battlefield, it has begun to overestimate its capabilities and attempt to challenge the international order. He has no confidence in the Workers' Party's ability to do so. After all, Russia's disadvantage in this war stemmed from its disruption of the international order in the Far East, and China is far inferior to Russia. So how could China possibly challenge the current international order?

Liang Dunyan shared a similar view with Tang Shaoyi. He also did not believe that the Workers' Party had the power to challenge European countries. If the Workers' Party was really so ignorant, it would be another national humiliation of the Boxer Rebellion. However, he focused on the current problem of the undetermined form of government. He advised Yuan Shikai: "...The current chaos in the country is actually due to only one problem, which is that the central government has no power."

After the Empress Dowagers and Manchu nobles were ousted from power, the central government lost its authority, and local authorities began to act independently. Although a parliament and a state council have been established, neither of these institutions has gained public support. This is why the Workers' Party was able to influence the central government's actions with its local power, leaving the Imperial Guardian in a precarious position and subject to its control.

If the central authority is still intact, how could such an article cause such a stir both domestically and internationally? Isn't it because the people and foreign envoys believe that the Labour Party's propositions can influence national politics, so their opinions cannot be ignored?

Therefore, the primary issue at present is to resolve the problem of central authoritarianism, or in other words, to ensure that the State Council truly gains domestic and international recognition, so that everyone knows that only the State Council can represent China. Then, the Workers' Party's rhetoric will have difficulty interfering in national affairs, and Gong Bao will no longer be caught off guard by what the Workers' Party says.

Yuan Shikai largely agreed with Liang Dunyan's views. He also felt that the current domestic political situation was rather strange. Although there were central institutions such as the emperor, the State Council, and the National Assembly, there was no central authority that could make decisions. No one listened to the emperor. When the State Council and the National Assembly were in agreement, they could push forward some policies, but when their opinions differed, it was difficult for their orders to be implemented at the local level.

Yuan Shikai knew that it was unlikely he would get Wuhan to obey his orders, but the local powers in the Northwest and Jiangnan regions were also paying lip service to his commands, which he found unbearable. After all, he was an official of the Qing Dynasty, and it was understandable that these rebels in Wuhan wouldn't listen to him, but the fact that officials in other places refused to obey his orders meant they truly didn't take him seriously.

The reason these local officials disobeyed him was that they felt his position as Chairman of the State Council lacked legitimacy. They believed that he had conspired with the traitors in Wuhan to imprison the Empress Dowager without the Emperor's approval. They argued that the State Council had merely given him a title, so how could he possibly restrain these officials who were loyal to the Qing Dynasty?

Although he could guess what these local officials were thinking, Yuan Shikai couldn't come up with a solution because he couldn't possibly seek cooperation with Emperor Guangxu at this time. Although he had control over the Beiyang clique, he knew very well that the Beiyang clique's loyalty to him was a superior-subordinate loyalty, not a loyalty relationship between monarch and subject.

If he were to declare his allegiance to Emperor Guangxu now and then reorganize the central government in Guangxu's name, the most likely outcome would be that everyone below would flock to Guangxu's side. After some time, Guangxu could then use the newly established relationship between the emperor and his subjects to purge his own faction within the Beiyang clique. Only under the current confrontation would the Beiyang clique not side with Guangxu, because even if they did, Guangxu might not trust them.

He found Liang Dunyan's words very reasonable, so he asked him how to rebuild the central authority. Liang Dunyan immediately replied, "We should establish a constitutional monarchy as soon as possible to stabilize the national political system and rebuild the central authority on the premise of loyalty to His Majesty. In this way, we can label those forces that oppose the central authority as rebels."

Upon hearing this, Yuan Shikai's face stiffened. The reason he had been reluctant to promote a constitutional monarchy was that he hoped Emperor Guangxu would abdicate first. He was willing to support Guangxu's successor, but he would not support Emperor Guangxu, with whom he had already broken off relations.

However, this condition was simply impossible to negotiate. Leaving aside Emperor Guangxu's own wishes, even Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao would never agree to this demand, because their current reputation was built on their role as political spokespeople for Guangxu. Changing the emperor would mean all their past suffering had been in vain, and whether the new emperor would still trust them was a question.

Yuan Shikai offered a few perfunctory words, but finally turned his attention to Liang Ruhao, much to Liang Dunyan's disappointment. In his view, neither Emperor Guangxu nor Yuan Shikai were capable of confronting the Workers' Party, a fact already proven by this war.

If the Labor Party wants to resolve domestic problems by force, then there is no power in the country to resist the enemy. In the end, it can only seek help from the great powers, which will lead to the intervention of the great powers in the civil war. This is the scene of warlord separatism at the end of the Tang Dynasty. Therefore, by establishing a constitutional monarchy as soon as possible and unifying domestic and foreign understanding in the name of Emperor Guangxu, the Labor Party will lose the opportunity to resolve domestic problems by force.

Unlike the previous two, Liang Ruhao's view on this matter is closer to the national position. He said that although the Labour Party's commentary article provoked the great powers, such articles are not without benefits. At least the tough stance shown by the Labour Party can make them see the true attitude of the great powers towards China more clearly.

He also said to Yuan Shikai: "...Reclaiming the privileges of the great powers in China is the inevitable path for China to become a normal country. The reason why Japan's Meiji Restoration is considered a success is because Japan reclaimed many privileges. Isn't our purpose in learning from Japan and Western countries precisely to reclaim privileges from these countries? If we can't even provoke the great powers, then what are we talking about reclaiming privileges..."

Yuan Shikai felt that, compared to the previous two, Liang Ruhao was actually more suited to specific technical work. Was he now concerned with how to reclaim China's rights? No, the pressing issue he wanted to resolve was who truly owned China. If this country had nothing to do with him, why should he bother considering how to reclaim its rights? That was a question for the country's owner to consider.

After questioning the three men, Yuan Shikai still couldn't reach a definitive conclusion. However, he did glean insights into the thoughts of the foreign powers from their responses. Compared to others around him, these men had closer relationships with diplomats from various countries and were more easily influenced by them. Therefore, their propositions were inseparable from the hints and advocacy of these diplomats behind the scenes.

Yuan Shikai ultimately chose Tang Shaoyi's suggestion and expressed to British Minister Satow that the Labour Party's views did not represent China's or his own. He believed that participating in the mediation conference to end the war was a good thing, but he also subtly indicated that the Beiyang government could not afford the pressure of fighting a civil war.

Satow reassured Yuan Shikai, stating that Britain would only recognize the State Council led by Yuan Shikai as the legitimate government of China, and that if any internal turmoil occurred in China, Britain would support the Chinese government in stabilizing the domestic situation. Not only the British minister made this statement, but the American and French ministers also reassured Yuan Shikai.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai ordered the ambassador to the United States to join the mediation conference as an observer, and he would expedite the passage of a resolution by the National Assembly to send a formal mission. However, Yuan Shikai's joy was short-lived; a telegram from the Republic of Chita arrived before him. A major shift had occurred in the Far East, with a new political force emerging on the political stage. Other countries were astonished by this change, unsure whether the Romanov dynasty's rule would truly collapse.

Chapter 503 Chaos

The emergence of the Chita Republic also greatly shocked the Russian army in Manchuria. The Russian soldiers, who felt that the war could not continue, had already developed a war-weary mentality. If it weren't for the fact that there were still some reserves in Harbin, that they couldn't return to Europe, and that the Chinese and Japanese armies had almost lost their offensive capabilities, the three or four hundred thousand Russian troops stationed around Harbin would have already collapsed again.

The establishment of the Chita Republic, led by the Social Democratic Party, gave workers and soldiers along the Chinese Eastern Railway another option: they no longer had to obey the Tsar's orders to remain in Manchuria, a land of despair. By joining the Soviets of the Chita Republic, they were no longer in the war. At this point, the soldiers had forgotten about the Tsar and began to speak with righteous indignation about the brutal acts of suppressing the workers' movement, such as Bloody Sunday.

Kuropatkin and other senior Russian generals in Manchuria also realized that their soldiers were showing signs of identifying with the Republic of Chita. Faced with this dire situation, the Russian generals, who had previously been undermining and discrediting each other, finally sat down and came up with a solution. This solution was for the Russian army in Manchuria to sue for peace with China and Japan and request their assistance in suppressing the rebellion.