Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 206

The Navy's concern was that while the declining Qing Dynasty could disregard the feelings of the Han Chinese, since other powers would have entered the region even if Japan hadn't already, the newly established Wuhan regime required Japan to consider its stance on the region. Whether Japan could gain control of Manchuria was still uncertain, and the Navy considered the chances extremely slim. However, provoking Wuhan to side with other powers against Japan would be a losing proposition.

The other major powers that the navy was worried about were Germany, the United States, and Russia. Germany, needless to say, had close ties with Wuhan and German capital since the emergence of the Wuhan regime. Even the British had lodged several strong protests. The British not only protested against Wuhan, but also warned the German government, believing that the Germans were violating the Anglo-German Yangtze River Agreement and were trying to turn the middle and upper reaches of the Yangtze River into a German sphere of influence.

The German government responded by signing an agreement with Wuhan, stating that the privileges signed between Germany and the Qing Dynasty would not be implemented in the Wuhan-controlled area. This refuted the British accusations and demonstrated that Germany's activities in the Yangtze River basin were merely normal commercial activities and that it was not seeking any political sphere of influence.

The British were powerless against the Wuhan regime because it had directly ignited internal conflicts within British India during the Tibetan War. The British dared not wage a large-scale land war against the Wuhan regime, as this would only further intensify the independence movements of various ethnic groups under British Indian rule. This was because the various ethnic groups in India now regarded the Chinese as liberators, considered the Chinese as brothers of Indians, and believed that supporting China's anti-British actions was equivalent to supporting India's national independence movement.

Therefore, the British adopted a conciliatory approach towards the Wuhan regime to prevent Wuhan from further aligning with Germany and forming an open alliance. This forced Britain to consider the security of India should war break out in Europe. According to some London politicians, an alliance between Germany and China would be a disaster for Britain, even a German-Ottoman alliance wouldn't have been worse.

The United States, which has historically followed Britain in its diplomacy toward China, shifted its stance to befriend Wuhan after the Yangtze River conflict. This was because the Americans believed that no country could possibly wage war against a regime with industrial capabilities on the Yangtze River, especially one with the world's largest population. They reasoned that if this regime were to consolidate China's manpower and resources, other countries would not only be unable to enter the Chinese interior, but would also be forced to relinquish control of coastal areas.

Furthermore, Wuhan did not reject American industrial capital and hoped to cooperate with the United States in oil extraction and processing. This led some American capitalists to abandon the British diplomatic approach towards China and no longer try to maintain the Open Door Policy. Instead, they chose to cooperate with Wuhan in industry and commerce in order to seek other ways to open up the market of the world's most populous country.

Although Russia's invasion of China failed in this war, the long land border between the two countries forced Russia to accept China as one of its most important neighbors. Especially after China maintained the Chita Republic, an anti-Tsarist Slavic regime, Russia's hatred for China gave way to the desire to eliminate the rebellious Chita Republic.

After seizing control of Russian politics through a coup, Interior Minister Stolypin immediately ordered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to ease relations with China and to negotiate with China on border issues in Xinjiang and Outer Mongolia in order to resolve historical issues between the two countries. This effectively meant that Russia had abandoned its view of China as a target for conquest.

Although Russia reached a secret diplomatic agreement with Japan, expressing its willingness to support Japan's control over the Far East, the Japanese ruling class knew that the Russians were just playing tricks, trying to create antagonism between Japan and China, thereby weakening the two countries and allowing Russia to return to the Far East. After all, a cooperative East Asia between Japan and China would not allow Russia to reappear in the Far East.

Therefore, the Navy clearly pointed out its concerns about the positions of major powers such as Germany, the United States, and Russia in the Sino-Japanese confrontation, believing that if a confrontation broke out between Japan and China, these three powers would likely stand behind China. Although the British Royal Navy was invincible, the performance of the British Army in South Africa, Tibet, and India made it hard to believe that the British Army could play any role on the mainland battlefield. The Sino-Japanese confrontation had nothing to do with the Navy at all, because China did not have the naval power to confront the Japanese Navy. Therefore, it was a land war.

The fundamental reason why the Navy opposes the Army's continental policy lies in this: the Navy has nothing to do with going to war with China, but the Navy will still have to bear the consequences of defeat. In order to go to war with China, resources will inevitably be concentrated on the Army, which is a situation that the Navy does not want to see.

The Army naturally sees the Navy's concerns, but it's trying to create a fait accompli. If the Navy endorses military expansionism, the Army can prepare for war on the mainland. Once war breaks out, resources will be concentrated on the Army regardless of the Navy's support. The Army's ability to make this calculation stems from its argument that China's resurgence will inevitably threaten Japan's national defense.

Even disregarding the Taiwan and enormous reparations Japan demanded from China during the Sino-Japanese War, the issue of the Korean Peninsula alone makes it impossible for the Chinese to harbor any goodwill towards Japan. The Korean Peninsula, if controlled by Japan, would pose a threat to the East Asian mainland; conversely, if controlled by a mainland power, it would threaten the Japanese archipelago. Therefore, this is an unavoidable contradiction.

Therefore, unlike the Navy's view that China and Japan could coexist peacefully and cooperate, the Army believed that China would either continue to decline, or, if China showed signs of recovery, it would inevitably seek its historical hegemonic position in East Asia, naturally leading to conflict with Japan. The relationship between Japan and China is essentially an enlarged version of the Anglo-French relationship, except that China, which Japan faces, encompasses almost the entire East Asian continent, making it impossible for Japan to utilize other forces on the continent to contain China.

Therefore, it was necessary to take advantage of China's weakness to divide it into several parts, like the scattered European countries, so that Japan could gain real control over East Asia. This was originally just a strategic conflict between the army and navy, but now Ito had put forward the theory of a new East Asian order, which made Yamagata feel furious and apprehensive.

The anger stemmed from the fact that the internal debate within the military had escalated to the political level, while the fear arose from the Emperor's clear inclination towards the Navy. Yamagata was well aware that the Army's continental expansionism was clearly unacceptable to the political and business circles. Politicians had always been dissatisfied with the military-led feudal politics, while the business circles, while supporting expansion into the continent, did not support the defense policy of continuously increasing military spending.

The Navy's theory of a new East Asian order effectively provided politicians with an excuse to limit military expansion and catered to the business community's desire to expand markets without increasing military spending. Yamagata was well aware that once the strategic conflict between the Army and Navy was transformed into a political contest, the Army would receive virtually no support.

Ito clearly understood this as well, so he didn't get entangled with Yamagata on the issue of defense at all. Instead, he directly expressed the Imperial Household's support for the new East Asian order and said to Yamagata, "His Majesty has high expectations for Prime Minister Yamamoto's cabinet, which is why he hopes that the army can give up temporary interests for the future of the country. I hope you can truly feel His Majesty's intentions."

After a long pause, Yamagata asked in a stiff tone, "If the army finds it difficult to accept the strategy proposed by the navy, then how does Your Majesty intend to deal with the army?"

Ito paused for a few seconds, then replied slowly and deliberately, "His Majesty is quite concerned about the recent turmoil within the army. The army has made great contributions in the war, but some meritorious soldiers have not received fair treatment. This is not His Majesty's intention; it is simply that some people are using His Majesty's name to suppress dissent. The commander of the army is His Majesty, not any particular person or group. Elder Yamagata, do you agree with His Majesty's views?"

Yamagata fell completely silent. He knew perfectly well that Ito was expressing his dissatisfaction. The generals in the Choshu faction who were close to Ito had been relentlessly suppressed by his faction after Kodama's sudden death. Although this wasn't at Ito's behest, he had tacitly approved of it all. Ito had every right to express his dissatisfaction on this issue, because he too had come from the Kiheitai (Special Forces) background. His influence over the military wasn't solely through Kodama; those Kodama confidants who had been suppressed also had personal connections with Ito.

The Choshu faction's mainstream dissatisfaction with Ito stemmed from his abandonment of the Choshu-dominated feudal system, but they were unable to completely eliminate Ito's influence over the Choshu faction. If Ito, with the Emperor's support, were to purge the army, Yamagata would have no excuse to stop him, as the Choshu faction was already fragmented. External pressure might barely maintain the army's unity, but addressing internal conflicts would inevitably lead to a major upheaval.

Chapter 677

Chapter 677

Shibayama Yahachi was invited to the ryotei. Before entering the room, he was thinking about how to win over Togo Masamichi. Although he had finally returned to the central government with the support of the traditional forces in Satsuma, his influence was no longer what it used to be.

As one of the first Japanese military talents to study abroad thirty years ago, Shibayama Yahachi was highly regarded by the naval high command after returning to Japan. His elder brother was a close confidant of Saigo Takamori and a founding contributor to the Meiji Restoration, making him a prominent figure in the navy. However, precisely because of his privileged family background, Shibayama Yahachi was unable to support radical reform proposals after returning home, as his mentors were all radical figures who needed to be reformed and removed from the navy.

Ultimately, in order to completely separate the Navy from the mainland, Saigo Tsugumichi chose to support the radical faction's proposal and implemented a swift and decisive personnel reform in the Navy. This operation greatly eased the debate between the reformists and conservatives within the Navy, since those who did not support the radical faction were all expelled from the Navy, and naturally there was no more controversy.

Of course, for the Navy, this personnel reform was tantamount to eliminating the Army supporters within the Navy led by Yamagata, thus truly separating the Navy from the Army-Navy system. Yamagata Aritomo was also greatly shocked by the Navy's personnel reform plan. If the Army hadn't been facing internal and external difficulties at the time, Yamagata would likely not have accepted such a radical personnel plan. The person he consulted regarding the Navy's personnel reform was not Navy Minister Saigo Tsugumichi, but Yamagata Aritomo, the head of the Army-Navy Reform Committee.

Because of his advocacy of moderate reform plans, Shibayama Yahachi was labeled a representative of the conservative forces by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and was expelled from the naval central command. For the next twenty years, he spent almost all his time in logistics and academy systems, never again obtaining a position in front-line troops or in a powerful central ministry.

In 1897, in order to promote him to vice admiral, he was appointed commander-in-chief of the standing fleet for one term, but he had almost no say in personnel appointments within the fleet. Two years later, he was transferred to the Naval Academy as its president. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe went to great lengths to suppress him in order to prevent him from making a comeback. In addition, Shibayama's powerful background made it difficult for young officers from commoner backgrounds to get close to him. As a result, apart from the support of the traditional forces in Satsuma, Shibayama had almost no supporters among the young officers.

This is also a major reason why Shibayama faced a lot of criticism when he was promoted to admiral. Because he had almost no influence in the lower ranks of the navy, and everyone was unfamiliar with him, they naturally had doubts about his promotion to admiral.

Similarly, Kawahara Yoichi was able to make a comeback and return to the Naval General Staff as Chief of Staff, and then successfully become Minister of the Navy. His rapid promotion overshadowed the powerful figures in the fleet and the heads of central government ministries and departments, but he received far less criticism than Shibayama. In fact, everyone intentionally or unintentionally downplayed Kawahara's Satsuma background.

The reason why Kawahara had a good reputation within the navy was because he had a group of supporters among the young officers. When others wanted to criticize the new Minister of the Navy, they had to consider the feelings of these young officers. Otherwise, they would provoke a backlash from the young officers, and they would be shooting themselves in the foot.

Although Shibayama Yahachi looked down on Kawahara's abilities, both professionally and politically, he had to admit that Kawahara had a good student. If it weren't for this good student helping Kawahara win over the young officers in the navy, Kawahara's dream of becoming Minister of the Navy would have been just a pipe dream. He knew Yamamoto Gonnohyōe very well; Yamamoto would never have relinquished the position of Minister of the Navy unless he was truly desperate.

By cornering Yamamoto without forcing him into a desperate situation, and ultimately leading Yamamoto to compromise, this was all thanks to Hayashi Nobuyoshi, Kawahara's good student. Even Togo Heihachiro, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's confidant, didn't harbor much ill will towards Hayashi Nobuyoshi; on the contrary, he believed that this peaceful transfer of power was beneficial to the navy.

After all, Togo Heihachiro was not a candidate for Minister of the Navy. Moreover, he had received a favor from Saigo Takamori, which allowed him to be included in the list of students studying abroad. He himself said in private that if he hadn't been overseas when Saigo raised his army, he would have followed Saigo without hesitation.

Many in the navy missed Saigo Takamori, but Togo Heihachiro felt that only Hayashi Nobuyoshi truly upheld Saigo Takamori as a kind of faith. Others missed Saigo only in private and never showed respect for him in formal settings. His Majesty's dislike for Saigo was clear, and as long as one had to consider their career, no one would publicly show respect to a traitor. Although the palace protected Saigo Takamori's reputation to alleviate social problems, it did not completely erase his status as a traitor. This shows His Majesty's true feelings towards Saigo Takamori.

However, from the moment Hayashi Shinji entered the Naval Academy, he attempted to completely restore Saigo Takamori's reputation and pushed the Naval Academy to change the morning lessons to the recitation of the Five Oaths. Saigo Tsurudo fully demonstrated Hayashi Shinji's role in this matter, which is also a major reason why most of the Satsuma faction had a favorable impression of Hayashi Shinji.

Even the traditional Satsuma forces who supported Shibayama Yahachi, believing the Navy to be Satsuma territory and not to be encroached upon by other factions, did not consider Hayashi Nobuyoshi an outsider, but rather a supporter of the Saigo family, who were not from Satsuma. Therefore, their desired outcome regarding the Kawahara faction was largely to oust Kawahara and then bring young officers, represented by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, into the Satsuma clique, thereby consolidating the Satsuma clique's control over the Navy.

Therefore, from the perspective of the Satsuma clique members, this operation against Kawahara was an internal struggle, not a life-or-death struggle between factions. The ultimate goal of the struggle was to bring Kawahara down, not to completely eliminate the Kawahara faction from the Navy. And the key to bringing down Kawahara was naturally to win over his supporters to their side.

After meeting with Togo Masamichi, Shibayama Yahachi believed that the man had certain abilities. If he could make him his assistant, it would obviously be beneficial to him in the subsequent naval power struggle with Kawahara. Moreover, Togo Masamichi was also Hayashi Shin'ichi's teacher. He could use Togo Masamichi to bring Hayashi Shin'ichi over, thus eliminating the biggest destabilizing factor for the Kawahara faction after bringing Kawahara down.

When Shibayama entered the private room of the ryotei, he discovered that Togo Masamichi wasn't the only one waiting for him; Hayashi Shin-yoshi was also sitting in the room. Shibayama was initially surprised because he hadn't yet figured out how to establish a relationship with Hayashi Shin-yoshi. After all, contacting Hayashi Shin-yoshi before the fall of Kawara was quite risky.

However, he quickly calmed down, took his seat, and greeted Togo. Just as he was pondering the meaning of Togo bringing Hayashi Shin'ichi here today, Togo Masamichi directly revealed the true purpose of the invitation: "The reason I invited Senior Shibayama here today is that I hope you can put aside your prejudice against Minister Kawahara and support Minister Kawahara's plan on the implementation of the Navy's southward expansion strategy."

Shibayama Yahachi looked at Togo Masamichi with anger, confusion, and bewilderment in his eyes. However, seeing Togo Masamichi's calm demeanor, he finally suppressed his dissatisfaction and said, "I don't think I have ever opposed the Navy's southward expansion strategy. Does disagreeing with Minister Kawahara's approach equate to opposing the southward expansion strategy? I really don't understand what Vice Minister Togo is saying."

Togo Masamichi, still with a respectful expression, said, "Of course I know that you, Shibayama-senpai, support the Navy's southward expansion strategy. However, after today, only Minister Kawahara can complete the Navy's southward expansion strategy. Therefore, supporting or opposing Minister Kawahara is naturally linked to supporting or opposing the southward expansion strategy. For the sake of the Navy's southward expansion strategy, I have no choice but to come and ask you for help, senpai."

Shibayama Yahachi finally understood Togo Masamichi's implication. After pondering for a few moments, he asked, "What exactly is the difference between before today and after today?"

At this moment, Togo Masamichi turned his gaze to Hayashi Shin-yi, who was standing to the side, and said, "Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi, why don't you explain the specific implementation plan of the southward advance strategy to Senior Shibayama?"

Sitting to the side, Lin Xinyi readily agreed and gave Shibayama Yahachi a brief introduction to the plan to establish an East Asian cooperation mechanism and build an Asian joint fleet.

After Lin Xinyi finished speaking, Shibayama Yahachi fell into deep thought. Neither Togo nor Lin Xinyi disturbed him, and the room fell silent.

The sounds of laughter and music coming from the neighboring rooms became clearly audible.

Lin Xinyi looked at the sake and sashimi on the table with some boredom. He then began to understand why the Japanese liked to speak quietly. It was because the wooden partitions in these rooms really didn't have any soundproofing effect. If you were noisy here, it would disturb the guests in the next room. No wonder the politics of ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurants) could not keep secrets. As long as you knew which ryotei politicians frequented and sat next to the room where they drank and entertained guests, you could listen to the conversations at the banquet and you could get a pretty good idea of ​​the politicians' secrets.

Of course, for the Japanese, true political conspiracies are never discussed in public places like ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurants). Only ronin (masterless samurai) at the end of the Edo period liked to discuss conspiracies in ryotei and brothels, because what ronin wanted was not success, but prestige. Politicians, however, share a similar mentality with the ronin of the Edo period, which is why they deliberately discuss political issues in ryotei.

As he was pondering these random thoughts, Shibayama Yahachi finally broke the silence and said, "The plan is good, but is Kawahara really indispensable?"

Togo Masamichi was about to reply, but seeing that Shibayama's gaze was not on him but on Hayashi Shin'ichi, he swallowed back the words he was about to say. Under the watchful eye of this senior naval officer, Hayashi Shin'ichi calmly responded, "Principal Kawahara's appointment as Minister of the Navy is the result of a balance of power among the various factions in the Navy."

Replacing someone else with a leader would mean disrupting the current internal balance of the navy and requiring a complete overhaul of personnel, which we believe is a waste of time. Therefore, in order to implement the navy's southward expansion strategy into concrete actions as quickly as possible, it is necessary to preserve Minister Kawahara's leadership position in the navy.

Of course, we do not oppose all factions working with us to advance the navy's southward expansion strategy. After all, everyone is a member of the navy and has the right to fight for its future. Minister Kawahara doesn't actually have much ambition for power; he is willing to dedicate power to promoting unity within the navy and advancing the new naval strategy.

Shibayama Yahachi also understood Hayashi Shin-yi's implication. Although Kawahara was not the only candidate to promote the Navy's southward expansion strategy, maintaining internal unity within the Navy was a prerequisite for implementing the strategy. Those who attempted to undermine internal unity within the Navy would naturally become opponents of the strategy.

In principle, he didn't actually have a reason to oppose Hayashi Shin'ichi's proposals. After all, his opposition to Kawahara was based on the factional alliance that Kawahara and Yamamoto had betrayed the anti-Yamamoto alliance. This anti-Yamamoto alliance was based on the new naval policy. Kawahara's betrayal made everyone think he was unreliable and had joined forces with Yamamoto. That's why Shibayama could publicly criticize Kawahara's silence during the Hidaka relegation incident.

However, if Kawahara's silence was to secure unity within the Navy in order to advance its southward expansion strategy, then their reasons for opposing Kawahara would lose their foundation. But this is only Shibayama Yahachi's position in theory. In reality, Shibayama is ultimately a human being with flesh and blood. He has his own social relationships to maintain and his own interests to defend, which makes it difficult for him to resist the temptation to bring Kawahara down.

Therefore, after a moment of silence, Shibayama Yahachi couldn't help but ask, "Who exactly are you referring to as 'us'?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at Togo Masamichi beside him before calmly saying, "This plan has been approved by Prime Minister Yamamoto. Prime Minister Yamamoto will implement the southward expansion strategy politically, which is also the key for Prime Minister Yamamoto to suppress the expansionism of the army and gain the support of the court, political circles, financial circles and business circles."

Without the support of these forces, Prime Minister Yamamoto's cabinet would not be able to survive. To ensure the success of the Yamamoto cabinet, members of Yamamoto's faction within the navy would still express their support to Minister Kawahara. Meanwhile, the navy's reformists, who were the main drafters of this plan, would not support Minister Kawahara's opposition.

In this way, the forces within the army that want to continue opposing Minister Kawahara will be few. If you, Shibayama-senpai, could change your stance and support Minister Kawahara, then this alliance against him would automatically disintegrate. Therefore, Shibayama-senpai, wouldn't it be better for everyone to resolve this internal conflict in a mutually agreeable way?

Shibayama Yahachi asked with some disbelief, "Would Saito really give up? If he gives up, won't Kawahara settle scores with him later?"

The core of this anti-Kawahara alliance was indeed Saito Minoru, because before Kawahara intervened, Saito Minoru was groomed as Yamamoto Kaisho's successor. Yamamoto Kaisho chose to peacefully hand over power, but for Saito Minoru and his supporters, this was a real disaster. Given Saito's age, once Kawahara's term was over, Saito would no longer be able to take office, and those Saito supporters would lose their chance to rise to power, so of course they were unwilling to accept it.

Lin Xinyi smiled and replied, "Commander-in-Chief Saito still has to succumb to reality. Without Prime Minister Yamamoto's support, Commander-in-Chief Saito has no chance of winning this time. Moreover, even if he takes a step back, Commander-in-Chief Saito can still retain the opportunity to enter politics. If Prime Minister Yamamoto succeeds in forming a cabinet this time, then Commander-in-Chief Saito's contribution will be significant. This political legacy will surely belong to Commander-in-Chief Saito."

That's why I came to see you, senior, because I don't want you to be dragged into this mess by Chief of Staff Saito. He can easily walk away, but once you're stuck, there's no one to pull you out. Rather than fighting to the bitter end for an unreliable ally, it's better to sign a peace agreement to protect ourselves before the situation deteriorates. That's the choice the commander-in-chief must make.

Besides, Chief Saito is, after all, Prime Minister Yamamoto's successor. Your current alliance is only based on your opposition to Minister Kawahara. Once Minister Kawahara is removed from office, the basis of your alliance will disappear. Senior, how much of a chance do you think you have then? Do you really want to do something that benefits someone else again?

Seeing Shibayama Yahachi's face turn bright red, Togo Masamichi knew that Hayashi Shin'ichi's words had hit a nerve with his senior. He quickly reprimanded him, "Shin'ichi, is this how you talk to your senior? This is extremely rude. Apologize right now."

Lin Xinyi and Shibayama stared at each other for a few seconds, neither showing a trace of fear, before Lin bowing his head and apologizing. Shibayama knew Lin Xinyi's apology lacked sincerity, but he also admitted that Lin Xinyi's words were the truth: he and Saito Makoto could never trust each other, and if Kawahara really stepped down, the two would continue their struggle. He had originally thought that after Kawahara's downfall, the Kawahara faction, to avoid retaliation from the Yamamoto faction, would seek his protection, allowing him to take over Kawahara's power and defeat Saito Makoto. However, he never expected Lin Xinyi to be able to bring out Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to suppress his own loyalists in the navy. This meant that the conflict between Kawahara and Yamamoto's faction had eased, and his plan was doomed to fail.

Chapter 678

Chapter 678

The meeting at the ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurant) ultimately resulted in an agreement between the two sides, with Shibayama Yahachi yielding to his stance against Kawahara. In return, Kawahara supported Shibayama's reform proposals within the naval logistics system.

Togo Masamichi was already prepared for a falling out with Shibayama Yahachi at this meeting, because in his memory, Shibayama had refused to bow to Saigo Tsugumichi back then and insisted on opposing Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's radical personnel reforms to the end. This showed that Shibayama was a very opinionated person. Now, their power in the navy was not as great as Saigo Tsugumichi's authority in the navy back then. Therefore, how could Shibayama possibly accept such a humiliating agreement?

Therefore, Togo was still extremely surprised that Shibayama Yahachi had finally restrained his anger and accepted the agreement proposed by Hayashi Shinichi tonight. After Shibayama left, Togo finally couldn't help but ask Hayashi Shinichi, "Wouldn't it be safer for us to wait until the Navy Ministry meeting is over before coming to see Shibayama-senpai? If we can't persuade Shibayama-senpai tonight, won't the Navy Ministry meeting the day after tomorrow be a complete mess?"

While pouring sake for Togo Masamichi, Lin Xinyi casually replied, "We informed Shibayama-senpai in advance that things had changed so that he could get off the sinking ship in time. If we only find out at the meeting that Prime Minister Yamamoto has chosen to cooperate with Minister Kawahara, Shibayama-senpai may not be able to jump ship in time. If Shibayama-senpai is completely defeated at this meeting, Vice Minister, who do you think will be the biggest beneficiary?"

Togo Masamichi was momentarily confused. He looked at Hayashi Shin-yi for a while before saying uncertainly, "Shouldn't we have won a great victory? Shouldn't the anti-Kawahara alliance in the army have collapsed?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "Although the anti-Kawahara alliance in the military has collapsed, the anti-Kawahara forces will not disappear. On the contrary, once Senior Shibayama falls, those anti-Kawahara forces will have no choice but to support Chief Saito, because only Saito and Shibayama are qualified to be leaders in this alliance."

Moreover, Shibayama's supporters were old members of the Satsuma clique. Although they harbored considerable resentment towards the naval reforms promoted by Prime Minister Yamamoto, they would still choose the person who could ensure the continuation of the Satsuma clique at this critical moment of life and death. This person was naturally Chief Saito, rather than Minister Kawahara, who advocated a new path.

Therefore, if Shibayama-senpai were to fall, the biggest beneficiary would be Chief of Staff Saito. Although the anti-Kawahara alliance within the Navy has been dismantled, the anti-Kawahara forces have been unified under Chief of Staff Saito, which is actually more troublesome for us.

Before the start of this war, Saito-senpai was already practically the head of the navy; it wouldn't be an exaggeration to call him half a Minister of the Navy. Saito's influence within the Central Naval Ministry was far greater than ours. If he were to gain the support of other powers, we would have to be mindful of his wishes when pushing forward any policies within the navy.

However, as a bureaucrat from a central ministry, Saito's greatest weakness was his lack of courage to fight to the death. He always hoped that others would fight for him, and then he would organize the final attack to completely seize the fruits of victory.

Senior Shibayama and another Vice Minister Togo are essentially swords that charge into battle for Chief Saito. Rather than breaking these two swords one by one, we should turn them into our own swords. If Chief Saito learns at the meeting that Senior Shibayama has changed his stance, he will abandon his unrealistic illusions and preserve his strength to wait for a chance to make a comeback in the future.

However, time is actually on our side, not in Chief of Staff Saito's. With each passing day, as the southward expansion strategy progresses, our strength will grow day by day, and the forces that Chief of Staff Saito wants to preserve will soon crumble. Therefore, for us, the longer we maintain the balance within the navy, the weaker the forces opposing us will become. This is why we gave Senior Shibayama the opportunity to disembark.”

After thinking for a long time, Togo Masamichi realized that this kind of political struggle was much more difficult than commanding a warship. When commanding a warship, you at least know who the enemy is, but the most difficult part of political struggle is actually finding the enemy. Sometimes, the enemy can even be a friend who can be used.

His feelings for Shibayama Yahachi were actually quite complicated. He felt a sense of camaraderie with him as an ally, since the two had reached certain agreements on the professionalization of the navy. However, he was also worried that Shibayama would reveal these agreements and force him to turn against Kawahara. Therefore, he wanted to protect him, but at other times he felt that it would be safer for him to just kill him outright.

Lin Xinyi's approach of completely using his opponent as a pawn in his political maneuvering was beyond his comprehension. He felt Lin Xinyi was overly rational in political struggles, which made him seem ruthless. Thinking more cynically, were he and He Yuan also pawns in Lin Xinyi's game?

However, Togo quickly suppressed this divergent line of thought. After all, Hayashi Shin-yi had been consistently supporting him and Kawahara's rise to power, and in this situation, unfounded suspicions about Hayashi Shin-yi would only be seen as conjecture, not rationality.

Furthermore, although Lin Xinyi received support from him and Kawahara, he used his own channels to communicate publicly, merely having the two endorse his plans. In other words, Lin Xinyi's connection with them was not deep; those who supported him and Kawahara were supporting the path they endorsed rather than the individuals themselves.

Therefore, even if he distanced himself from Lin Xinyi, it wouldn't mean that Lin Xinyi would lose most of his supporters. On the contrary, he himself would lose his current supporters. That's why Dongxiang Zhenglu adjusted his mindset so quickly, feeling fortunate that Lin Xinyi was one of his people; otherwise, being on the opposite side of him would have been truly painful.

After the departmental meeting of the Ministry of the Navy concluded, Saito Minoru, who had heard about the meeting's contents, was indeed shocked. Even if Togo Heihachiro hadn't revealed it to him, given his connections within the Ministry of the Navy, he could naturally quickly learn about all the major and minor matters within the Ministry.

After Kawahara and Prime Minister Yamamoto held a private meeting, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe summoned him and Tōgō Heihachirō, briefed them on Kawahara's proposals for an East Asian security conference and a joint Asian fleet, and asked them to support Kawahara's proposals.

Togo Heihachiro had no objection to this, but Saito himself was. Saito felt that every concession Yamamoto Gonnohyōe made was actually a compromise made at the expense of his own interests. He had been betrayed once before in the selection of the successor to the Minister of the Navy, and this time, he wanted to retain his power in the Ministry of the Navy, only to be betrayed again.

Saito Minoru felt betrayed because both compromises benefited Yamamoto Gonnohyōe: the first was the prime minister's seat, and this time it was to ensure the cabinet wasn't ousted by the army's expansion plan. Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe stated he still supported Saito and promised to support Saito's political career.

But for Saito, the former was flashy but impractical, while the latter was too far removed from his own reality. He hadn't even truly established his prestige in the navy yet, so how could he develop in the political arena if he left the navy? Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was able to form a cabinet without any objections because of the victory in this naval battle. Yamamoto gained the prestige to form a cabinet precisely because of this achievement.

If an individual lacks prestige but wants to form a cabinet, they need the support of the organization, such as Ito Sukeyuki, who represented the Navy in forming a cabinet. However, it is clear that Kawahara Yoichi, not him, is the one who can represent the Navy now. When the Navy really has a new opportunity to form a cabinet, Kawahara is the first choice no matter how you look at it. This is why he harbors resentment towards Kawahara, because Kawahara has indeed blocked his path to advancement.

Therefore, although Saito Minoru outwardly accepted Prime Minister Yamamoto's request, he did not give up his efforts to oppose Kawahara in secret. In his view, as long as Shibayama Yahachi continued not to cooperate with Kawahara, he could find a way to keep Togo Heihachiro neutral, so that Kawahara would still be unable to control the Navy Ministry.

However, Shibayama Yahachi surprisingly defected to Kawahara, praising the East Asia Cooperation Conference and the Asian Joint Fleet concept at the meeting, and believing that the entire navy should work together to promote these two plans, thereby establishing a solid rear for the southward expansion strategy. Now it wasn't a matter of Togo Heihachiro supporting Kawahara Yoichi's new plan, but rather that Togo Heihachiro had to declare that he wouldn't hinder the navy.

Because of the long-term suppression by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, Shibayama Yahachi had no real power base in the central ministries. However, he was, after all, a bureaucrat from the central ministries, and he was very familiar with the bureaucrats and working methods of the central ministries. When he chose to support Kawahara, Togo Heihachirō lost control of the situation in the Ministry of the Navy. This was because these bureaucrats from the central ministries were a layer away from him, and the bureaucrats were characterized by fear of power rather than gratitude.

With the support of Sakamoto Toshitsu, the head of the personnel bureau, and Yahachi Nagashima, the second vice minister, Kawahara could theoretically carry out a major reshuffle of the Navy Ministry without worrying about any unrest. This was because personnel reform only required the minister, the two vice ministers, and the head of the personnel bureau to discuss and decide on the matter. Togo Heihachiro only had one vote at this meeting, so he could not stop Kawahara from purging the opposition forces within the Navy Ministry.

Therefore, Shibayama Yahachi's shift in stance was not simply about losing an ally; it meant that the Yamamoto faction had completely lost its influence over naval personnel appointments. Saito's original plan was to outwardly support Kawahara's proposal, but secretly continue to pull Shibayama Yahachi against Kawahara. As long as Kawahara could not control naval personnel appointments, the Ministry of the Navy would ultimately remain his territory.

However, after this meeting, the wind in the Navy Ministry completely changed. Many of the Navy Ministry personnel who had been constantly informing him suddenly disappeared. Now, those who are still informing him are all people who have been labeled as Saito's confidants. They can only hope that Saito will make a comeback, otherwise being purged is an inevitable result.

The chaotic situation that occurred when Kawahara took over as minister has finally begun to stabilize. The navy has finally accepted the new minister, and the era of Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, has indeed come to an end. In contrast to the stabilizing situation in the navy, the situation in the army is starting to get out of control. In fact, the loss of control in the army began with the sudden death of Kodama, which led to the rise of the Choshu faction, which was becoming the mainstream of the army, being countered by conservatives such as Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake.

It was precisely because of the military downsizing that the army had to suppress internal struggles and instead engage in a struggle with the government over the expansion bill. Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake's solo actions during the collapse of the Saionji Cabinet even forced Yamagata Aritomo to tacitly accept the situation afterward.

Yamagata knew very well that while he could use this incident to reprimand Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake, he couldn't solve the military downsizing problem. This meant that the army's discontent would shift from the government to him, and he clearly lacked the courage to sacrifice himself for the enemy. Given the army's unanimous opposition to the downsizing, he had no choice but to accept Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake, the army's trusted advocates; otherwise, he would be abandoned by the army.

However, the warning issued by Hirobumi Itō on behalf of the Imperial Household Agency made it impossible for Yamagata to continue to turn a deaf ear. He had no choice but to call over Taro Katsura and Masatake Terauchi and ask them to support the current government's defense policy.

Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake, of course, could not accept this. Their reasons were exactly the same as those Yamagata had given Ito. Both of them stated that the government had no right to interfere in military affairs, that the formulation of defense policy was the prerogative of the military, and that the government's proposal of defense policy was an infringement on the military's authority.

This time, Yamagata took a firm stance, saying, "The formulation of defense policy is of course the prerogative of the military, but the military is not only the army, but also the navy. The navy has submitted a defense policy that is consistent with the government's, and we cannot criticize the government on this issue, otherwise it will provoke opposition from everyone. The Imperial Household Agency's attitude is also very clear: the East Asian cooperation plan proposed by the Yamamoto Cabinet is reasonable. If the army opposes it, it must come up with a convincing explanation, otherwise it will be military interference in politics."

Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake were dumbfounded. Government interference with the Emperor's command of the military was the military's most powerful weapon against the government. However, the government also had a powerful weapon: military intervention in politics. The government had never used it, but the army had used it once, expelling the non-mainstream faction that opposed the army's shift from the French to the Prussian military system. The reason given was that these people opposed the sale of Hokkaido government property; this was interference in politics by the military.

This incident of military interference in politics was actually orchestrated by the Choshu and Satsuma factions. They used it to eliminate the non-Choshu and non-Satsuma Restoration forces in the Army and Navy, thus giving the Satsuma faction the opportunity to separate the Navy from the Army and Navy system. The main driving force behind the military reform was Taro Katsura, who had returned from studying in Germany.

Therefore, Katsura Taro immediately understood the implication in Yamagata's words: if they continued to oppose the government, the army would face a major purge. Just like the generals who opposed the German military system were dismissed in the past, this time those being dismissed were clearly the army generals who insisted on expanding the army.

Katsura Taro was momentarily speechless, forced to consider whether such a possibility truly existed. Meanwhile, Terauchi Masatake, after a few moments of silence, finally couldn't contain his anger and said, "How could Lord Ito act like this? Does he no longer consider himself a member of the Changzhou Clan? Not only is he vying with us for the position of Governor-General of Korea, but he's also trying to persuade His Majesty to grant him the authority to command the Korean garrison. He's blatantly disregarding the law. Now he wants to interfere in the army's personnel matters. What is he trying to do? Is he planning to destroy the army?"

Although Terauchi Masatake's words were somewhat extreme, they did not offend the two people present. From Katsura Taro and Yamagata Aritomo's perspective, Ito Hou was indeed standing on the opposite side of the army, and was always pointing fingers at the army in the name of the emperor.

However, Katsura Taro knew the gravity of the situation and quickly changed the subject, saying, "Although Lord Ito is powerful, the most fundamental issue lies in the Navy's stance. Without the Navy's support, Lord Ito cannot persuade His Majesty to suppress the Army's policies..."

Katsura Taro's analysis made a lot of sense, but the other two didn't respond to him. Neither Yamagata nor Terauchi believed that the Navy could change its mind now, because this was the Navy's cabinet, and they couldn't let the Navy undermine itself.

Terauchi remained silent for a few seconds, but still complained indignantly, "The Navy is willing to sell out the interests of the military in order to form a cabinet. They want peace in East Asia, isn't that just to block the Army's continental policy so that they can concentrate resources on the Navy's southward expansion strategy? But can Japan plus China really stand against the power of Britain, France, the United States and the Netherlands in Southeast Asia? I think the Navy is just wishful thinking and wasting the people's tax money."

Yamagata finally spoke up, "Whether it's just wishful thinking on the part of the Navy or not, that's not something that can be determined in a day or two. The problem now is that even His Majesty believes the Navy's claims that peace in East Asia is conducive to rebuilding a new Asian order. This is essentially a denial of the idea that the Empire's lifeline and interests are at stake, and an assertion that Japan's national security and interests should depend on a new Asian order rather than the Empire's expansion on the continent."

I oppose the navy's naive ideas, but the general public now opposes war; their desire for peace is far stronger than that for war. Ultimately, it's because our country failed to obtain the reparations expected before the war against Russia, resulting in a significant psychological letdown among the people, thus leading them to oppose war.

Katsura Taro nodded in agreement, saying, "Yes, according to Akashi, Russia's defeat in this war was also due to the anger of the people over the disastrous defeat in the Far East, coupled with the incitement of national sentiment by radical elements within Russia. Therefore, Russia had no choice but to end the war. The army's greatest enemies were those liberals and socialists who incited the people against the war; they were all obstacles to the empire's external expansion..."